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Title: Professor Telephone: 973 353-5837 Office: Hill Hall 619 e-mail: bfergusn@andromeda.rutgers.edu Click Here CV (MS Word)
Education Ph.D. Columbia University, Department of Anthropology
Research My interest in explaining war began as a college student during the Viet Nam War. My first paper in Columbia University's graduate program in anthropology was an evaluation of four theories about war in Amazonia. As a graduate student, I organized a student seminar and edited volume on war, which was published by Academic Press in 1984, Warfare, Culture, and Environment. My field research, though, went in a very different direction. First, I tried unsuccessfully to obtain permission for research in Cuba, to evaluate Che Guevara's concept of the "New Socialist Man." (I was skeptical that "moral incentives" could replace "material incentives" for labor). Following than, I conducted fifteen months of research on poverty, politics, and social transformation in Puerto Rico. "My" village, Jauca, was the site studied by Sidney Mintz in The People of Puerto Rico Project, and I too worked closely with Don Taso Zayas, the "Worker in the Cane." The major questions addressed in my thesis, Class Transformations in Puerto Rico, were how the seemingly homogenous "rural proletariat" diversified socially as part of the island's development, and why the once supremely profitable Puerto Rican sugar industry went into the red and collapsed. Since completing my dissertation, most of my research has been on war. Four general goals characterize my research and publications. First, I have tried to develop rigorous, testable theory to explain war, both as a recurrent aspect of the human condition, and in specific cases-why actual wars happen. This has had three major components. One is a basic materialist hypothesis, which is summed up as 'wars occur when those who decide to start a war believe it is in their practical, material self-interest to do so.' This calls attention to the political structure of decision-making and the total interests of decision-makers. (This hypothesis is reconsidered and partially modified in my latest article, "From Tribal War, through Identerest Conflicts, to Terrorism and the War in Iraq."). Another basic part of my theory is a strong political and historical orientation, meaning that war should be studied not as a disembodied cultural pattern, but as a behavioral reality in a concrete historical situation. This has often meant highlighting the role of Western contact on indigenous peoples. Lastly, I have always engaged in critical evaluation of other theories, including ecological, social structural, and symbolic explanations of war. In recent times, my main efforts have been to challenge a variety of biologically oriented explanations, and archaeological claims that war has always been a part of human existence. The best example of this over-all theoretical pursuit is the monograph Yanomami Warfare: A Political History. The next major work on theories which can or cannot explain war is a book currently in preparation, Chimpanzees, Men, and War. Second, besides developing particular explanatory angles, I have tried to organize and synthesize existing anthropological knowledge on war. That began with the broad survey in my 1984 volume, then moved on to a book length bibliography The Anthropology of War (with Leslie Farragher) in 1988. A first attempt at synthesis of major research findings was published in 1990 ("Explaining War") and connected to a programmatic, non-reductionistic modification of Cultural Materialism ("Infrastructural Determinism," 1995). Other efforts at broad synthesis include: a conference, edited volume (War in the Tribal Zone), and overview ("The Violent Edge of Empire," 1992, with Neil Whitehead) about war-related effects of Western contact; a systematic compilation of war/society linkages comparing tribal peoples and ancient states ("A Paradigm for the Study of War and Society," 1999); another conference, edited volume (The State, Identity, and Violence), and synthesis ("Violent Conflict and Control of the State," 2003) of anthropological findings on large-scale political violence within contemporary states; and a partially completed overview of global archaeological findings on the origins of war ("Archaeology, Cultural Anthropology, and the Origins and Intensification of War," in press). Third, I have tried to bridge fields. Within anthropology, that has involved crossing over many regional literatures (although with specialties in the Pacific Northwest Coast and Amazonia), moving from cultural anthropology to archaeology, and conducting extensive research on biological explanations of war, which are the focus of Chimpanzees, Men, and War. Beyond anthropology, I have participated in conferences and volumes that were primarily within the disciplines of history, psychology, political science, and strategic studies. At the Rutgers Center for Global Change and Governance, I founded and run (although it is temporarily 'on hiatus') the Working Group on Political Violence, War, and Peace, which for several years has brought together scholars from many different disciplines. Two of the overviews just mentioned, "A Paradigm for the Study of War and Society" and "Violent Conflict and Control of the State" were written to connect-up with literatures in history and international relations, respectively. In all of this work, my objective has been to encourage two-way communication, bringing outside views to anthropologists, and making anthropological findings more widely available. Fourth, I have made continuous efforts to make research findings known to non-academic audiences, both policy makers and the general public. Regarding policy, this has involved many conferences, roundtables and other dialogues at places such as the Council on Foreign Relations, and the McKinsey and Company. It also is embodied in my membership in the Reducing Political Violence Action Group, a small group of conflict-reduction practitioners attempting to find new, practical ways to head off political violence. For the public, this has involved accepting just about any speaking invitation that came my way. In addition to my research on war, over the past several years I have been developing two other, intertwined lines of investigation: the cultural history of the New York City Police, on which I teach a course; and the history of street gangs and their connection to the development of organized crime in New York. In the former, I show that police are not just about law enforcement, but have been a critical institutional nexus effected by and affecting the general development of urban New York. That research was the basis for developing a series of talks given in 2002 to the New Jersey State Police, under federally mandated diversity training. Regarding gangs and organized crime, I hope to show that many standard histories of both 19th century street gangs, and the rise of the 20th century "mob," are inadequate and often positively misleading. I also hope to open up new perspectives on how organized violence, both legitimate and illegitimate, is built into the structure of American urban culture. In closing, I would add that I have also been engaged in other
topics of significant public concern, such as organizing conferences
or sessions on homelessness and poverty in New York City, on environmental
security, on contemporary street gangs, and on efforts to "biologize
culture." I am a member of the Board of Governors of the New
York Academy of Sciences, and the recipient of the Henry J. Browne
Award for Excellence in Teaching from University College, and the
Scholar-Teacher Award from Rutgers University. "War in Anthropological Perspective" Click the following to access the audio link: Click the following to access the audio link: Gangs of New York To hear the interviews, click on the images below:
"FERGUSON W/GATES" |
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Brian Ferguson, Ph.D. 
